HEVIDAR KHALED

NEWS CENTER_ There is much talk recently about Syrian sovereignty, and about the ways to actually restore it, in a way that preserves the unity of Syrian territory and establishes a state that accommodates all its children, without excluding any ethnic or religious component living in it. However, restoring sovereignty does not seem an easy matter in a country that has turned into an open arena for settling regional and international accounts, and on whose land the interests of multiple powers have intersected, from Israel whose incursions extended to the Damascus countryside, to Turkey, the United States, and Russia, reaching Iran which is trying to preserve what remains of its influence after the fall of the previous regime, and to re-entrench its presence and achieve new gains, benefiting from the fragility of conditions in the region and the world. Thus, Syria finds itself before a complex equation: How can it restore its national decision, while external interventions intertwine with internal crises that have not yet found their way to a solution?

The manifestations of fragility are not limited to the country's borders, but extend to the depth of the internal scene, where security, political, and social challenges accumulate, and the gap between Syrians' aspirations and the reality they live widens. Loose weapons come at the forefront of these challenges, given the direct threat they pose to the lives of civilians, as a simple daily dispute can turn, in the absence of controls, into a bloody confrontation. In parallel, the education file remains a subject of dispute, especially after talk of amendments to textbooks that sparked condemning and angry reactions in various societal circles. As for the fragile economic situation, it continues to burden citizens, while crises multiply and manifestations of chaos continue on various fronts, without real solutions that put an end to the suffering and continuous pain of Syrians. Amid these intertwined files, the need appears urgent for a comprehensive treatment that restores society's sense of security, and gives citizens hope that stability will have a meaning that transcends the mere absence of confrontations.

At the heart of these challenges, the issue of the return of displaced Syrian Kurds to their homes stands out as a real test of the state's ability to protect its citizens and preserve their rights. This return still faces extremely complex field and security obstacles, and the events witnessed in Tal Abyad/Kre Sipi last week, according to what was reported about them, revealed the scale of the risks that may confront the returnees, after they were subjected to assaults, beatings, looting, and the burning of their property, in painful scenes that took place before the eyes of Syrian government officials. These are practices that no living conscience can accept, and cannot be overlooked as passing events, given the violation of human dignity and the right to return to one's land and homes safely.

"Democratic Integration Is Not Built by Slogans"

What increases the gravity of these facts is that the issue of holding those involved accountable is still pending, while Kurdish returnees have been subjected to insults, profanity, and racist slogans that do not serve the spirit of the phase, and are not consistent with the requirements of building trust between the components of Syrian society. So how can one talk about democratic integration and enhancing national partnership, while some returnees to their homes face such practices? Integration is not built by slogans alone, nor is it achieved by formally bypassing differences, but needs actual guarantees that protect rights, and a political will that addresses the causes of tension and chaos, and holds those responsible for violations and crimes accountable. Hence, the government's responsibility stands out in dealing seriously with these files, not fleeing from them or postponing them; for issues left without solutions do not vanish with the passage of time, but their repercussions accumulate further, and turn into additional burdens that obstruct stability and weaken trust in state institutions. This acquires particular importance in the context of the democratic integration path underway since the signing of the agreement of 29 January between the Syrian Democratic Forces and the transitional government.

The Kurdish people are an authentic part of Syrian society, and they have the right to live in their homeland with dignity and safety, and to participate in state institutions and official circles, preserving their identity and specificity, and performing their role in building the country's future. Kurdish rights cannot be viewed as an issue separate from Syria's future, or a demand belonging to a particular component; for infringing on the rights of any component is reflected in the state's relationship with all its citizens, and weakens the foundations of trust without which national unity cannot stand. Overlooking policies targeting Kurdish existence not only threatens the rights of Kurds alone, but also affects the unity and sovereignty of the Syrian state. True sovereignty is not achieved by excluding components or denying their identities, but by protecting them and preserving their rights, and entrenching the principle of partnership and equal citizenship. A state that does not accommodate all its children remains vulnerable to the shaking of its unity, however stable its borders may appear on the map.

What Kind of State Does Syria Want to Be?

Hence, the matter returns to its essence: What kind of state does Syria want to be? A state that restores its authority by imposing a fait accompli, or a state that draws its strength from the confidence of its citizens and their feeling that they are equal partners in the homeland? The challenges facing the country leave no room for partial treatments or temporary solutions, but call for a comprehensive political vision that recognizes the scale of the collapse, addresses its real causes, and prevents the reproduction of past mistakes. However, the absence of a clear and integrated vision to bring Syria out of scenarios of division, alongside the continuation of disagreements over fundamental national files, raises serious questions about the ability of the current administration to transcend this phase and avoid further fragmentation. The gravity of the scene increases in light of the ignition of all fronts surrounding the country, and the escalation of ongoing regional tensions, especially regarding the eastern and southeastern borders, with the risks that cannot be overlooked.

"The Unity of Syrian Territory Is Not Complete Without the Unity of Society"

Therefore, Syria stands before a challenge that transcends containing successive crises; it is before the necessity of rebuilding the relationship between the state and its citizens on foundations of justice, partnership, and mutual recognition. Restoring sovereignty is inseparable from protecting rights, the unity of territory is not complete without the unity of society, and stability is not imposed by force alone, but is built when everyone feels that they have a preserved place in their homeland, and that their dignity and rights are not subject to bargaining. Between external interventions and internal fragility, Syria's future remains contingent on its ability to move from managing crises to addressing their roots, and from unifying slogans to practices that embody them on the ground. So will the current administration succeed in transforming these entitlements into a comprehensive national project, or will the country remain captive to its open crises, torn by interventions from outside and divisions from within?