News Center- Protests sparked in Rojhelat and Iran following the killing of Jina Mahsa Amini by Iran’s so-called “morality police” in Tehran on September 16, 2022. This uprising is also known as the “Jin, Jiyan, Azadi (Women, Life, Freedom)” uprisings or revolution because women chanted the “Jin, Jiyan, Azadi” slogan at the protests.

Many Iranian analysts think of the “Jin, Jiyan, Azadi” uprising as a pivotal moment in the country’s history. This uprising has significantly shifted the political landscape, rendering the prospect of reform within the Islamic Republic of Iran’s political system increasingly marginalized, even among the government’s middle echelons. One of the uprising’s immediate consequences was the militarization of various sectors, from politics to media and the free flow of information, particularly in Iran’s Kurdish regions.

Simultaneously, the “Jin, Jiyan, Azadi” slogan, with its deep roots in the Kurdish freedom movement, has faced co-optation and hegemonization by Iranian centrists, both within and outside the country. This has created substantial obstacles to amplifying the voices of minorities, particularly the Kurds. Moreover, internal fragmentation within Kurdish political perspectives, combined with the absence of a robust, agile, and multidimensional media platform, has further hindered the movement's ability to project the full scope of the ‘Jin, Jiyan, Azadi’ ideology and its aspirations.

In this article, NuJINHA draws attention to the pervasive repression of the Iranian regime on women journalists from the beginning of the “Jin, Jiyan, Azadi” uprising in 2022 to the tenure of Masoud Pezeshkian and the role of women in journalism in Rojhelat (Eastern Kurdistan or Iranian Kurdistan).

‘Jin, Jiyan, Azadi’ uprising and its impact on media

The uprising that originated in Rojhelat with the “Jin, Jiyan, Azadi” slogan and subsequently spread across Iran is an unprecedented challenge to the patriarchal-religious framework of the Islamic Republic. While it is partially suppressed—at least at this stage—the government’s response has been characterized by extensive crackdowns. In addition to deploying repressive measures, such as widespread arrests and the closure of internet services, authorities have targeted the media with alarming ferocity.

Following the uprising, at least 62 journalists, including 24 women, were imprisoned as part of a systematic campaign to silence dissent. This marks a significant escalation compared to 2009, when 47 journalists, including only four women, were jailed. The sheer scale of these arrests has positioned Iran alongside countries such as China, Myanmar, Turkey, and Belarus as one of the world’s most oppressive regimes for journalists.

By curtailing the free flow of information and stifling journalistic voices, the Islamic Republic has sought to suppress not only the movement’s momentum but also the broader discourse surrounding the liberation and rights of marginalised communities. Despite these obstacles, the enduring spirit of "Jin, Jiyan, Azadi" continues to serve as a rallying cry for resistance, particularly among Kurdish women and activists striving for systemic change.

Overview of crackdown on journalists post-September 2022

The Iranian government’s retaliatory measures following the “Jin, Jiyan, Azadi” uprising have disproportionately targeted Kurdish journalists, the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) confirmed in a report. At least nine Kurdish journalists were arrested during this period. In an unpublished 2023 report from Iran, 226 cases of media suppression were documented. These included 144 instances of judicial action against journalists, with 102 arrests and trials, alongside 42 summonses and complaints. By the close of 2024, at least 12 female journalists remain imprisoned for their media activities.

Among them are Elaheh Mohammadi and Niloofar Hamedi, who were instrumental in exposing the state-sanctioned murder of Jina Amini. They were temporarily released on hefty bail for medical treatment. Zhina Modares Gorji, a Kurdish journalist and prominent women's rights activist from Sanandaj, was arrested and transferred to prison after her 21-year sentence was reduced to two years and four months. Another Kurdish journalist, Nazila Maroufian, fled to Paris in September 2024 after facing ongoing harassment from Iranian security forces following her release from Evin Prison.

These arrests, accompanied by excessive sentences, flogging, professional bans, and prohibitive bail conditions, underscore the Iranian authorities’ commitment to silencing dissent. The targeting of female journalists reveals a systematic effort to suppress women’s voices. The widespread arrests, brutality, and harsh charges further demonstrate Tehran's determination to block all channels of independent information dissemination.

Role of security forces in crackdown on media

The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) Intelligence Organization and the Ministry of Intelligence—key security arms of the Islamic Republic—label journalists, particularly women, as “agents of Western espionage.” Such accusations justify their prosecution and imprisonment. Kurdish journalists, in particular, are often linked to Kurdish political parties or separatist activities, further intensifying the severity of their treatment. This systemic oppression is most pronounced in Rojhelat, where the IRGC’s Intelligence Organization exercises complete control.

Marginalization of Kurdish representation in media

Since September 2022, Iranian media—both state-aligned and opposition—have sought to downplay Kurdish contributions to the Jin, Jiyan, Azadi uprising. This deliberate erasure reflects an effort to diminish Kurdish influence in shaping the direction of Iran’s revolutionary movements.

By 2024, the crackdown on the media escalated. Reporters Without Borders ranked Iran 176th out of 180 countries in press freedom, ahead of only Syria, North Korea, Afghanistan, and Eritrea. Despite this climate, resistance persists. On December 18, 2024, over 140 journalists, including nearly 70 women, signed a statement condemning the Hijab and Chastity Bill, which imposes severe restrictions on journalists. The bill criminalizes coverage of topics such as hijab enforcement, participation rates in elections, and governmental criticism. The bill criminalizes coverage of topics such as hijab enforcement, participation rates in elections, and governmental criticism.

The repressive environment in Iran has fundamentally reshaped the media landscape, with several key consequences:

External Reliance: With domestic media facing heavy censorship, audiences increasingly turn to international outlets for reliable news.

Decline of Print Media: The spread of the internet has significantly weakened the publication of physical newspapers and magazines.

Social Media as a News Hub: Platforms like Instagram—still accessible in Iran— serve as primary sources of information, followed by Telegram, Facebook, and Twitter. For instance, in Sanandaj, only two weeklies are published irregularly, and female participation in these publications is minimal.

 Underground   Journalism: Many female  journalists operate covertly, collaborating with Persian-language websites for remuneration.

Rise of Localism: While local news channels have proliferated across Kurdish cities, women’s voices remain marginalized within these platforms.

Women’s activism in media

Female media activists in Rojhelat work largely underground due to the pervasive repression of the Islamic Republic. Much of the news about Iran and Kurdistan is disseminated by these women through Persian-language outlets, scattered across Rojhelat and Iran, who are often political activists rather than professional journalists. Despite this, their contributions remain critical in documenting and amplifying the voices of marginalized communities.

In addition to the mentioned cases, some female media activists operate in social media platforms, Iranian websites and channels such as Adalat Bari Iran, Madrasah Forough, Bidar Zani, Aso, and Radio Zamaneh, often supported financially by the United States and other Western organizations. Substantial financial backing has aligned these activists' work with the policies of these media platforms. These institutions frequently fund campaigns within Iran in support of women. Similarly, the extensive financial support extended by foreign organizations has prompted some Kurdish female media activists to transition into political activism, supplementing their media campaigns with broader social action. For instance, during the widespread campaign against Iran's abortion law, some activists distributed abortion pills illegally, circumventing Iranian legislation.

In many instances, such financial support has led these activists, often unwillingly, to reflect the values of their financial sponsors. Consequently, their engagement with the "women’s revolution" is framed within the broader nation- state narrative of Iran, rather than a perspective rooted in Kurdish identity and struggle. Simultaneously, some Kurdish female media activists collaborate with media affiliated with rival political parties in Kurdistan. Motivated by financial incentives, they may subtly misrepresent our viewpoints, aligning them with the agendas of those parties.

Kurdish female journalists in Iran face numerous obstacles, including the overarching policies of the Islamic Republic, the heightened scrutiny on Kurdish activities, and their limited numbers in Rojhelat. These challenges have hindered their ability to establish independent organizations or effectively amplify the voices of women in Rojhelat. Financial constraints have further compelled many professional journalists in Rojhelat to seek collaboration with foreign websites and organizations, often at great personal risk, as confirmed in discussions with some of these journalists.