Rojbin Blîn

During his meeting with the parliamentary delegation,leader Abdullah Öcalan highlighted key issues related to developing strategies and tactics through language, explaining that discourse and terminology shift according to the different stages of negotiations. He noted that the parties that previously attempted to obstruct the implementation of the "peace and democratic society" initiative have now become clear.

In Turkey, some forces and parties openly displayed their positions to avoid engaging in the process, choosing instead to simply show their opposition. In contrast, there are other forces that do not express direct objections, yet also fail to take the necessary steps at critical moments, according to Leader Öcalan.

In North Kurdistan, a proper understanding of daily politics is lacking, which reflects confusion across the broader political scene. The elevated political discourse does not translate into tangible, practical results. This, Öcalan stressed, requires all societal actors to formulate their own policies, as the region faces diverse local challenges that make articulating such policies essential.

In particular, confronting religious and liberal currents necessitated launching independent initiatives and efforts. Öcalan emphasized that addressing ongoing conflicts requires effective organization of societal forces, ensuring a cohesive presence and an appropriate response to the emerging challenges.

 

North Kurdistan: Rising Religious Intervention and the Decline of Democratic Influence

In North Kurdistan, the political and social landscape is witnessing increasing religious intervention through the “Hüda-Par” party, which has been organizing ceremonies for young girls who memorized the Qur’an in cities like Colemêrg, Amed, and Êlih. These events present young girls with rituals tied to the veil, and their frequency has grown noticeably. In Amed alone, nearly 200 girls participated—an alarming scene that reflects the exploitation of society in the name of religion and raises deep concerns about the future.

This reality becomes even more troubling as the role of legal political parties continues to shrink, limiting themselves to activities inside closed halls. Meanwhile, cases of suicide and the killing of entire families are rising. The Justice and Development Party (AKP), which declared this year the “Year of the Family,” has centered its policies around exploiting Turkey’s declining population growth by imposing increasing pressure on women—tightening control over their bodies, reducing years of education, promoting early marriage, and advancing other demographic-focused policies.

Amid these challenges, building a genuine democratic relationship with society becomes essential. Yet legal political parties continue to promote high-level policies that fail to resonate with the public. Society itself is sliding into its own patterns of internal conflict, while tools of resistance weaken. With rising rates of suicide, murder, violence, drug spread, and the instrumentalization of religion, preventive policies appear weak—calling for comprehensive and precise strategies.

If negotiations do not yield concrete results, resistance will continue day after day. Negotiators know that elevating the struggle is the goal, but current working methods face obstacles to the dynamics established by Leader Öcalan.

 

North and East Syria: Between Jihadist Dominance, Legitimacy Struggles, and Regional Reshaping

In the Autonomous Region of North and East Syria, there are opportunities and advantages, yet the existing risks cannot be ignored. This year marked a period of dominance by the jihadists of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, raising urgent questions about the implications for women and communities there.

Israel, through the Abraham Accords, continues pushing openly to reshape the region, using language as a primary tool and moving rapidly in this direction.

As for Ahmad al-Shara’ (al-Jolani), his recent positions have made his intentions clear. He seeks legitimacy by restructuring and eliminating certain factions. However, he faces issues related to legitimacy and economics, making it difficult for him to assert himself easily. Thus, he is trying to get rid of radical jihadists and establish relations aligned with the Abraham Accords. It is known that Hakan Fidan also participated in these discussions held in the United States, where his role was examined in terms of his potential to disrupt, but he was ultimately incorporated into that framework.

On March 10, an agreement was signed, followed by massacres in Suwayda targeting the Druze community. Today, the situation there is extremely dangerous—like a Trojan horse—where no one knows when or where the crisis may explode.

Regarding discussions on integrating the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), al-Jolani presented his vision before the People’s Assembly, and dialogue took place with Kurdish parties. Some proposals were accepted, but talks have stalled for the moment. With the March 10 agreement, the issue of SDF integration resurfaced.

In the Kurdistan Region, a figure referred to as “S.N” was assigned a special mission to confront the Democratic Nation project, actively working against it through digital platforms, launching smear campaigns, and targeting intellectuals and academics. While our side does not give academia sufficient attention, our opponents exploit this gap effectively.

Through such methods, al-Jolani seeks to legitimize his nationalist line in North and East Syria and attract others to it. In Qamishlo, a women’s center was opened by some defectors from the movement, promoting a direction opposing the "Jin Jiyan Azadî" uprising. Through this approach, these groups seek a place inside the Syrian Women’s Council and look to become part of future talks with Damascus, in addition to planning to open an office there.

 

Iraq: Political Stagnation and Social Challenges

Iraq has recently witnessed elections where Shi’a influence was prominent and Sunnis achieved noticeable representation. However, post-election developments led to political stagnation among competing forces, while Muqtada al-Sadr remains silent. As in every electoral cycle, external powers played a strong role, and vote manipulation through money recurred.

The Kurds appeared without a unified political strategy—fragmented and weakened within the broader landscape. In disputed areas like Kirkuk, regional powers restructured their positions, practicing complex political maneuvers. Iran, Turkey, and some Arab states have been implementing special projects there. In recent years, Kurdish influence in this region has weakened despite the possibility of launching local initiatives—especially by women.

Recently, there was an attack on the gas-rich Kormor area, a major center for Iraq’s energy production, heavily reliant on gas extracted from that region. Following the attack, the United States demanded protection for the facilities. Multiple analyses emerged, and eventually it was suggested that neighboring regional actors were behind it.

In Iraq, a wide debate is ongoing over the presidency, with the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan holding internal discussions. Meanwhile, the government has not yet been formed, and partisan disputes over posts and interests continue. Forces in the Kurdistan Region are exploiting the situation, while tribes face tensions and conflicts over rights and influence, reflecting diverse underlying interests.

The region is drifting further away from national and political dynamics, while unemployment and poverty worsen. The situation for women grows increasingly dangerous, as civil organizations have paralyzed society—reduced to formal entities with no real presence within communities. Women’s movements lack noticeable impact. The Kurdistan Women’s Union previously had a role, but after its latest conference, its activity declined due to reduced budgets and weakened support.

Political parties in the region do not want women’s movements to advance; they obstruct opportunities and tighten control. Some parties limit themselves to symbolic policies and hold diaspora-based nationalist meetings without fostering real democratic support—seeking instead to compete with other forces.

Meanwhile, Iraq’s Personal Status Law came into force—an important development. Women in the region began serious discussions, especially around why women’s rights movements have not succeeded. A new women’s political party was formed; although its program is not yet clear, its establishment is a positive step.

 

Escalating Tensions and a World on the Edge of a Third World War

This year, the world witnessed major events that deeply shaped the international scene. In what many describe as the emergence of a third world war, global tensions grow more complex—from the United States to Asia—with daily escalation.

The U.S. designated Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro as a terrorist. Trump entered office presenting himself as a messenger of peace, yet the Russian–Ukrainian war became more complicated instead of being resolved, turning into a drone war that caused massive civilian casualties.

These developments have led to increased numbers of detainees and victims while both sides insist on continuing the fighting. In Russia, the current situation resembles the Brezhnev era, where the Russian people and former Soviet nations experienced economic and security stability.

As for the Azerbaijan–Armenia issue, a truce was signed that established a more flexible policy, temporarily freezing the conflict. In the Caucasus, various fronts remain in place against Salafi pressures, but events in Russia and former Soviet states receive little attention.

Meanwhile, the situation for women in Afghanistan and Georgia worsens, with no effective solutions due to the elitist nature of women’s organizations in Russia. In Europe, preparations for a potential world war are underway: Germany reinstated mandatory military service, and France announced it would be ready for war by 2030. Europe appears to be preparing comprehensively, while the U.S. pushes Europe and Russia toward direct confrontation—a trend that becomes more visible every day.

Conflict continues across the Middle East, and over time it seems to be moving toward a form resembling a third world war, which could become more apparent across Lebanon, Iraq, Iran, and Turkey in the coming year. Signs of tension are growing, and the activities of Hamas and Hezbollah are expected to re-emerge strongly.

In Iraq, elections were held, but political disputes intensified, putting the country on the path toward reshaping its political system without clear stability. Iran prepares for possible confrontation, while Israel and the U.S. issued clear statements related to war.

The U.S. envoy for Iraq, Syria, and Turkey, Tom Barrack, made remarks about the Cyprus crisis, thrusting the issue back into the spotlight. Israeli statements regarding Turkey also became more explicit than in the past.

In Oman, an international meeting took place with representatives from 17 Middle Eastern countries to discuss new strategies and regional restructuring—an indication that the Middle East is entering a phase of comprehensive political and security redesign.