ŞEHLA MUHAMMEDI

News Center – On the 3rd anniversary of the “Jin, Jiyan, Azadî” uprising, women emphasize the importance of struggle together wherever they are and make calls for unity.

Sociologist and Kurdish women’s rights advocate Havjin Beqali answered our agency’s questions on the 3rd anniversary of the uprising. Explaining the connection between the uprising and social transformations concerning women in Iran and Kurdistan, Havjin Beqali spoke about regional and national experiences, achievements, and challenges.

*How do you interpret the “Jin, Jiyan, Azadî” uprising? What do you think were the achievements of this uprising, and what kinds of shortcomings or obstacles prevented it from advancing more effectively?

To understand the “Jin, Jiyan, Azadî” movement, one must go back to the founding roots of the Islamic Republic of Iran. From the very beginning, this system was built on a policy of exclusion and elimination of different social groups. This exclusion particularly targeted women and oppressed peoples and has continued throughout history. From the very first days, restrictions were imposed on family law, and the compulsory hijab was enforced. At the same time, military pressures began in Kurdistan, such as the 24-day Sine war, followed by similar practices in Khuzestan, Baluchistan, and other regions.

This policy of exclusion was not limited to women and oppressed peoples; leftist forces and some other political movements also faced it. However, these groups could reintegrate among “our own” if they accepted the regime’s mechanisms. For women and oppressed peoples, no such possibility existed; their exclusion was deep-rooted and structural.

Jina Emini's social position as a Kurdish woman symbolically revealed the bonds and solidarity among excluded groups over the past 45 years. The “Jin, Jiyan, Azadî” movement brought these groups together at a historical moment and created a new sense of shared destiny. However, this solidarity did not become permanent or institutionalized. The most important reason was the political and economic fragility of these groups. Women in Iran face the highest levels of poverty and restrictions in access to opportunities.

One of the most significant achievements of the movement was the struggle against the compulsory hijab. The hijab represented the symbolic authority of Islamism and control over the female body. Women rising against it was, in fact, a resistance against the ideological core of Islamism and a declaration to end its symbolic domination. Symbolic yet radical actions, such as burning hijabs, resonated worldwide and highlighted the importance of this protest.

Throughout the “Jin, Jiyan, Azadî” movement, there was never a step backward; it always moved forward. Today, three years after the uprising began, it can be seen as one of the most significant social and historical achievements of women and oppressed peoplesa gain that must be preserved and strengthened.

*When we consider the experience of Kurdistan and women’s struggle against ISIS, the “Jin, Jiyan, Azadî” uprising was a declaration of war against the fascism and Islamism that control the female body. However, today both Shia Islamism and radical Sunni versions are regaining strength in the region. How can this uprising continue on its path in such an environment?

In various cities across Iran, the slogan “Jin, Jiyan, Azadî” has returned to the streets. Translated into Persian as “Zan, Zendegī, Azadī” (Woman, Life, Freedom), it has taken on a new meaning; this shows that the movement can be redefined in every local context while preserving its core essence.

When I speak of “the beginning of the end of Islamism,” I mean a change at the level of discourse. A new breaking point has emerged in Islamist discourse, which has shaped our collective consciousness and even redefined our perception of religion since the 20th century. This is a process that will take a long time, but ultimately it will also find its reflection in politics.

Jihadist movements can still be a force, but they will have to adapt to these changes. Otherwise, over time, they will disappear.

Popular movements, especially those with the capacity to resist, can serve as a barrier to jihadism and Islamism and can limit their growth. For example, women in Afghanistan not only supported Iranian women but also bravely struggled themselves under extremely difficult conditions.

What will be the future of such popular movements? How can they maintain their influence under such harsh conditions? It is difficult to give a definitive answer because political developments in the region are rapid and intense. Yet the role of the people and the importance of these movements cannot be denied.

Most participants were ordinary citizens, not professional activists or politicians. Yet these individuals can still lay the groundwork for larger movements. For instance, an attack on a woman because of her hijab can trigger a collective reaction and lead to the birth of a movement.

The everyday problems of life water shortages, high costs of living, unemployment shape people’s resilience. These combine with the visions and demands of social activists to nourish a more lasting movement. For example, in 2017, farmers turned their backs to the qibla in a mosque due to a water crisis, facing the public; it was a simple yet symbolic act that linked daily problems to the regime and ideology.

The courage of Afghan women against the Taliban is another example of such gradual but continuous progress. When the Taliban entered Kabul, many people hid at home, but women taking to the streets was an unforgettable moment.

*In regions like Kurdistan and Baluchistan, movements emerged and were later pushed aside. Considering that the uprising began in Kurdistan and had the support of Baluchistan, how can this path continue?

“Jin, Jiyan, Azadî” was not a uniform experience. Perceptions and narratives varied according to social position, gender, and location. In 2022, this movement occurred simultaneously in different regions, each with its own unique experiences and achievements.

Kurdistan was a symbol of an oppressed people; in contrast, Tehran represented the power system. In Kurdistan, the people were able to redefine their demands based on their realities and needs, advancing developments in a demand-oriented manner, without being bound by Tehran’s perspective. This experience strengthened the relationship between the center and Kurdistan and made the voices of oppressed peoples heard.

The events in Kurdistan show that even in heavily oppressed regions, a movement can be effective, model-creating, and a catalyst for change.

*What is the purpose of the “Jina Academy”? How can its approach, education, and empowerment of individuals advance in a different and innovative way?

The idea of establishing the “Jina Academy” has been on the agenda for a long time. Its primary goal is to develop knowledge from a women’s perspective and anti-colonial knowledge. This knowledge is vital for women and oppressed peoples. The academy aims to break restrictive definitions of knowledge, to critique it, and to make it possible to redefine it.

Just as the accumulation of capital often goes hand in hand with dispossession, the accumulation of knowledge frequently occurs through dispossessing others. The Jina Academy seeks to return ownership and access to knowledge to its rightful owners, to hear, record, and disseminate the voices of oppressed groups.

Another goal of the academy is to develop participatory learning; that is, to guide students to understand learning as a collective process and to actively and continuously apply feminist, anti-colonial knowledge. In this way, the academy offers a different and innovative space for education and empowerment.