Between ISIS, Libya, and Jihad: A Woman’s Fight for Truth
Investigative writer Hamida Najous emphasized that women are the foundation of resistance. Despite oppression, deception, and occupation, they rose courageously, defending their land and dignity, believing that hope endures and freedom will ultimately tri
Benvash Sterk
Hatay — “The events I have witnessed pushed me to write. When truth is distorted and history reshaped with lies, I cannot remain silent,” investigative writer Hamida Rengus explains, summarizing her motivation for writing.
In an interview with our agency, Hamida Rengus - recipient of the 2018 Freedom of Thought and Expression Award from the Turkish Publishers Association -discussed her literary journey, the atrocities of ISIS still shaking the Middle East, and the heroic resistance of women confronting this violence.
From the Freedom of Thought Award to Exposing the Middle East’s Hidden Realities
Hamida Rengus, born in the Samandağ district of Hatay, recounted her journey as a writer and her experience documenting the complex realities of the Middle East, where words become a tool of resistance against injustice and distortion.
She noted, “My birthplace, Hatay, became at the onset of the Syrian crisis the first base for jihadists targeting Syria, when the so-called Free Syrian Army was announced — a fake opposition group, officially headquartered in Hatay. Our region thus became a central hub in the siege imposed on Syria, and the first refugee camps were established here.”
Hamida explained, “As a resident of Hatay, I witnessed and actively participated in the struggle to prevent our city from turning into a jihadist stronghold or a haven for militants. Despite our geographic proximity to Syria, there was no direct border contact, as Turkey had mined the entire border area.”
She highlighted that Turkish authorities systematically isolated Hatay from Syria, noting that the issue of removing border mines caused widespread concern among locals: “When the discussion of mine removal arose, we as Hatay residents were deeply worried. Why now? What is being planned for Syria? There was a general sense that something major was underway.”
She added, “There were rumors that Israel might be involved in this project and could take charge of clearing the mines. This sparked anger, and it was soon said that the tender had been canceled and not awarded to Israel. We don’t know the truth, but a persistent rumor, almost mythical, claims that Israel has designs on Hatay, particularly the Samandağ coast. We were fully aware that Hatay was being steered toward a fate similar to that of our relatives on the Syrian coast
Hatay and the Syrian Coast: A Battlefield Between Jihad and Geopolitical Partitioning”
Hamida Rengus highlighted how power in Syria was handed to the jihadists of Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham. “What they failed to achieve over more than 12 years happened suddenly, not through military victories, but by offering Damascus on a golden plate to the jihadists. This so-called ‘achievement’ was merely the beginning of Syria’s collapse.”
She explained, “Turkey exploited the earthquake disaster as an opportunity and began implementing systematic policies against Alawites in Hatay, similar to those practiced against Alawites on the Syrian coast. We know very well that the so-called public security forces affiliated with Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham seized the property of the Alawite community, expelled them from their homes, and confiscated their houses and registered lands.”
Rengus noted that the current actions of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) in seizing lands registered to their rightful owners in Hatay closely resemble what happened previously. She emphasized that these events are part of a larger struggle over regional influence: “In Hatay, particularly Samandağ, a systematic policy is being carried out to strip Arab Alawites of their property — a policy repeated across the border. This makes our region an actual center of conflict. We can therefore say that the Syrian coast and Turkish Hatay have become a battleground attracting the attention of regional and international powers due to the natural gas in the Eastern Mediterranean. This is what we know, and it worries us deeply.”
She added, “What is happening in the Middle East is not merely a political conflict, but a war of division, using multiple slogans. I have tried to study these slogans from a knowledge-based perspective to understand their authenticity and intellectual value.”
Body, Land, and Resistance
Regarding her book Strategic Barbarism, Hamida Rengus said it represents a central concept in understanding contemporary imperial alliances: “The book is the result of a collective effort by several writers. We explored how alliances between imperial and barbaric powers are constructed to achieve expansionist goals. In my view, with the escalating crisis in Syria, it became clear that imperial powers employ the most brutal methods within the Greater Middle East project.”
She added, “The strategies these powers employ are not only reactionary but also savage and barbaric. We are talking about a geographic region where organizations like al-Qaeda were presented as ‘freedom fighters.’ Out of this context emerged ISIS, one of the deadliest and most extreme organizations in the world, which is a direct continuation of these groups.”
Hamida Rengus emphasized that major powers have created extremist organizations as tools to achieve their objectives, noting that terms like “strategic reactionism” and “strategic barbarism” reflect the brutal methods employed: “They brought to the forefront regressive, bloodthirsty groups targeting women’s freedom and bodies, attempting to impose a new repressive reality.”
She explained, “Reviving the Umayyad mentality in Damascus represents strategic reactionism, while reproducing Salafi thought is a systematic strategic hostility toward women, freedom, and human dignity.”
During the Syrian crisis, women faced severe regressive restrictions from the outset, imposed through religious fatwas. Many were drawn into the so-called “jihad,” suffering violations and abuses: “True and massive disasters occurred. Women were brought into Syria to satisfy the sexual needs of jihadists. There was harsh regressive siege and systematic sexual violence against women, justified under religion via fabricated fatwas by political Islamists.”
Hamida highlighted the historical specificity of women in Mesopotamia, noting that women have always understood that their bodies were direct targets in wars: “Women in this region did not hesitate to respond; they engaged in fierce resistance to defend their bodies and lands.”
She added, “Political Islam clearly seeks to dominate women, visible in language and cultural heritage. In Arabic, for instance, the words ‘land’ (ard) and ‘honor’ (’ird) share letters and are conceptually linked; one signifies the land, the other the body or dignity.”
Hamida noted that in all forms of occupation, whether by extremist Islamists or colonial powers, the invasion begins by targeting women, as controlling women’s bodies implicitly means controlling the land. “All warring powers operate under the same logic: desecrate the female body first, then occupy the land. These are horrific wars in every sense. In Syria, the concepts of women, bodies, and land became interchangeable. They say, ‘We sacrifice our bodies for our land,’ because anyone seeking to step on our land will first try to control our bodies. Women acted with this awareness, declaring: ‘My body is my land.’”
At the start of the war, women formed resistance committees, particularly along the Syrian coast. Alawite women set up checkpoints, organized guard shifts, and Hamida, during her research for the book, met sisters involved in resistance, including one who was martyred in an explosion.
She recounted that the women’s call for resistance in Syria was not a fleeting moment but sparked the establishment of popular resistance committees including both men and women: “The resistance began in neighborhood committees, evolved into national popular resistance committees, and eventually into national defense forces.”
“This call was a direct invitation from women to society, especially men, to break restrictions and move forward without turning back. When a woman cuts her hair and places it on the ground, she signals that all bridges are burned behind her, and there is no retreat,” Rengus explained.
Hamida highlighted the pioneering role of women in igniting Syrian resistance against French occupation, citing the story of the “Women with White Handkerchiefs”: “At a time when prisons were overflowing with intellectuals, journalists, and anyone daring to speak out, seventy Damascene women silently organized inside homes, then marched to the Umayyad Square, where the French consulate and other consulates were located.”
“They entered the square quietly, then suddenly raised white handkerchiefs, waving them high while chanting slogans for freedom and independence. One year after this symbolic act, France was forced to leave Syria,” she noted, adding: “From Ishtar, the mythical goddess, to Zenobia, the unforgettable warrior — from Ishtar to Zenobia, the name Syria is feminine; its female identity spans history, from myth to resistance.”
Hamida stressed the unity of women’s resistance in the region, noting that the struggles of the “Women with White Handkerchiefs,” the “Women with White Scarves,” and “Mothers of Peace” stem from the same mythic spirit: “I can say they drew their strength from the legacy of the mythical woman’s resistance in this land.”
She discussed the impact of the “Jin Jiyan Azadî” uprising, noting that it became more than a slogan — an existential equation expressing the essence of women’s struggle: “In this context, the concepts of body, land, freedom, women, and life merged into a single equation: body, land, freedom. This is how women’s resistance manifested in this region, proving itself powerfully.”
She continued: “The uprising’s slogan extended beyond local borders, reaching Africa, becoming a symbol of accumulated women’s struggles worldwide. There were periods when the women’s movement in Turkey and globally reached its peak influence, but unfortunately, that influence has begun to decline in the current phase.”
The Double Standard of Solidarity
Hamida Rengus criticized the international community’s disregard for the violations faced by women in Syria, noting that what happened to Yazidi women in 2014 at the hands of ISIS is now being repeated against Alawite women — but with suspicious international silence.
“In 2014, when the United States classified ISIS as the world’s most dangerous terrorist organization, we witnessed a wave of international condemnation, and women’s movements strongly supported Yazidi women. Unfortunately, because this stance originated from Washington, it received attention. Today, when Alawite women in Syria face even worse abuses by Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham jihadists, no one speaks,” she said.
She added, “What is happening on the Syrian coast is far more atrocious than ISIS’s crimes: women are kidnapped, raped, turned into sex slaves, and sold publicly online. Everything is exposed, yet no one is held accountable, nor is the existence of these crimes acknowledged. This silence allows violations to continue, and sadly, women’s organizations remain silent in the face of this injustice, even though their voice was once powerful and influential.”
Rengus pointed out the stark contradiction in how the international community addresses women’s issues in conflict zones, criticizing the world’s neglect of the severe abuses faced by Alawite women at the hands of Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham, while broad solidarity campaigns were launched for women in Gaza: “Women’s organizations indeed rallied for Gaza, but no connection was made between the two causes. In reality, Gaza was destroyed, the arena left to Islamists for over two years, during the genocide. Amid women’s suffering, there was no real feminist voice — Hamas dominated. Now, after an agreement and over 50,000 deaths, suddenly the women’s movement emerges.”
She continued, “Feminist movements could have united both causes and raised their voices for Alawite women in Syria as well, but unfortunately, this was not on their agenda. It pains me to say that these movements no longer seem capable of freely setting their priorities.
From the Nightmares of Documentation to the Dream of Peace… A Journey into the Heart of Conflict
Hamida Rengus discussed the psychological burden carried by journalists while documenting reality, noting her own painful experience during the preparation of her book ISIS All at Once. She witnessed all the brutal videos released by ISIS, examined photos, documents, and testimonies, followed comments, asked questions, and conducted deep research — all while enduring the constant emotional weight of these horrors.
“After the book was published, I began to live through ISIS nightmares. Documenting brutality and turning it into written material is not easy; it is a heavy burden. Although I did not personally experience these violations, I felt them deeply and shared that pain with our people in Syria through sincere empathy,” she said.
In her book A Bloody Spring in Libya, Rengus revealed the scale of media manipulation during the conflict: “I saw firsthand how media was used to control minds. Fifty journalists from fifty media outlets stayed in the Rixos Hotel in Tripoli, enjoying all comforts while reporting news as if they witnessed it directly in the streets of Libya.”
She continued, “What was published did not reflect reality; it was fabricated inside hotel rooms and presented to the public as field reporting. Witnessing this deception, I began taking notes, which inspired my first book about Libya.”
While writing Women in the Grip of Jihad, Rengus emphasized that she had to cultivate a profound sense of psychological empathy to document the violence women endured: “It was not a fleeting feeling but a human necessity to grasp the victims’ pain. I also applied these psychological insights in addressing the suffering of peoples confronting ISIS brutality,” she explained. Her goal was to produce an honest narrative that captures the essence of suffering and gives a voice to those whose screams were silenced.
Rengus believes that human presence, continued struggle, and the resilience of revolutionaries mean that hope never dies: “No matter the extent of destruction, I believe every thesis has an antithesis. As Marx asserts in dialectical materialism, no idea can dominate forever. The antithesis arises, challenges, and leads to a new stage, a new synthesis. Thus, hope is born from pain, and the sun rises again.”
She concluded: “Tyranny does not last, and injustice is not eternal. Every injustice has an antithesis, and every antithesis gives rise to a new synthesis. Those who commit crimes will vanish, and those who rise for freedom will prevail. This hope does not stem from spirituality or metaphysics, but from my deep belief in the laws of material dialectics. With the same conviction, I believe peace in the Middle East is not a distant dream, but a real possibility — one worth believing in and striving for.