Despite the abuses and attacks against journalists, particularly women journalists, Khawla Shabeh, the coordinator of the Monitoring Unit of the National Syndicate of Tunisian Journalists, stated that their struggle to resolve crucial concerns would continue.

ZOUHOUR MECHERGUİ

Tunisia - Despite the press freedom margin that has characterized Tunisia since 2011 and that Tunisians regard as the revolution's most significant achievement, the authority do not hesitate to express their fears of the authority's return to subjugation and oppression, and they affirm that the struggle to preserve this gain, which has resulted in dozens of losses, is still ongoing.

The National Syndicate of Tunisian Journalists has advised against the continuation target against women journalists and harming their dignity via slander and distortion on social media platforms in order to face their free pens that triumph for the people and no one else.

In order to understand the reasons for the decline in press freedom in Tunisia and the repeated attacks on female journalists in the country, our agency conducted an interview with Khawla Shabeh, the coordinator of the Safe Conduct of Journalism National Tunisian Journalists’ Syndicate Monitoring Unit, who believes that the current authorities are attempting to impose guardianship on the media.

You just released a report in which you expressed grave worries about the threat to press freedom. What's the story behind this report?

Tunisia's press freedom has deteriorated in recent years. We see it as a setback in the democratic process, but it was to be expected, and it is a worrying sign that undermines freedom of information access. We live in a painful reality in terms of media freedom, as the situation has deteriorated to the point that it is impossible to keep silent about the recurrent attacks that have hampered and hindered the work of female journalists.

As a result of violent attacks, notably in January, journalists have had a dreadful year. The fundamental problem is the inability to access information. The rate of assaults on journalists as a result of a reckless authority's difficulty in acquiring information reached 49 percent. Between May 1, 2021 and April 30, 2022, there were 214 attacks against journalists, the most in five years.

We are all aware of the implications of Tunisia's exceptional period, which began on July 25 last year, on the country's reality of media freedom, particularly the prosecution of journalists in cases related to state security and terrorist cases based on media content, as well as the crisis of access to information and the frequent placement of illegal obstacles in journalists' work and efforts. All of this harassment is the outcome of the authorities’ actions and policies aimed at restricting the right to receive information and access to it. This is what the Presidency has done by issuing decree No. 19 and 20, which ban workers and ministers from making remarks, obstructing journalists' access to information from the Tunisian administration.

The limitations were linked to three key factors: the difficulty in obtaining information; the emergence of a new type of incitement and distortion via social media; and the emergence of the stage of physical and moral attacks on journalists. This number was judged excessive by the monitoring committee throughout the preceding five years of operation at the Syndicate of Journalists.

How many women journalists have been attacked since November last year?

According to a November report, the number of attacks against female journalists has increased significantly, especially gender-based attacks, with 104 attacks against female journalists out of 124 attacks against journalists between November 1, 2020 and October 20, 2021, indicating an increase in physical violence against women journalists working for eight press outlets.

Harassment has also spread far and wide, as we have seen in 10 incidents and six press publications. In addition to online access and defamation on social networking sites, they are being targeted with online penetration. We also documented 104 abuse cases of female journalists that were 20% motivated by gender.

It is important to note that the documented cases of violence against women journalists may be linked back to anti-violence laws, and that these assaults are based on stereotypical perceptions of women intertwined with patriarchal societies' legacies of the image of women. Insinuation, abuse, and slander based on gender are also used to respect their dignity. This year, we also recorded six incidences of sexual harassment, and the prior report was the first to chronicle such cases after some female journalists broke the silence and fear of reporting such incidents. Harassment occurs both at work and at home.

Incidents of attack against female journalists were documented through hacking of their personal accounts on social networking sites, as well as hacking cases in which the hacker transmitted insulting photographs to their sources of information. When they are in a single situation, they are vulnerable to gender-based violence. The perpetrators of these crimes against women journalists are divided among media activists and followers of certain political parties, where inappropriate techniques are used to violate the dignity and privacy of women journalists' private lives.

These attacks have nothing to do with the professional safety of female journalists, as female journalists in Tunisia confront a range of dangers, including economic attacks. It is one of the most serious concerns in the connection between developing laws in Tunisia and the rights of women journalists, as well as protecting them economically, socially, and professionally.

Does Tunisian labor law protect Tunisian women's economic and social rights?

In actuality, labor code standards remain insufficient and must be strengthened in order to defend women's economic rights. It is not enough to have a labor code; digital methods must also be implemented within private institutions, in addition to many of the provided safeguards, implying that the labor code must be amended since it does not take into account the nature of women's gender and social roles.

Raising maternity leave days and establishing other guarantees, such as the existence of special places for placing children within private institutions, as well as enacting equal pay and taking into account the conditions for promotion and social obligations for women, and many other points in this law related to women's privileges and work timing.

These issues need to be addressed in general law and at the level of internal laws, with the most essential item being to battle all forms of discrimination against women who are denied their right to training and development in order to ensure a successful and easy career progression.

Despite the fact that there is a law prohibiting violence against women, rates have grown sevenfold since the Covid-19 pandemic outbreak. How do you explain this increase, and are there any issues with the law's implementation mechanism?

In Tunisia, there are various roadblocks to implementing this crucial policy. The Ministry of Women, Family, Children and Seniors has established 60 departments dedicated to issues of violence against women as well as a national violence observatory since the bill was passed. This is in terms of establishing a mechanism to work on enforcing the law, but its implementation on the ground necessitates many other points and steps, as we continue to face a major obstacle when a woman goes to the security center to file a complaint and is swayed by a few words, such as "You must forgive your abuser, even if he hits you."

We talked about the women who filed complaints, but the security forces did not file a report. The legislation restricts media freedom, addressing the subject of violence cannot be generalized. Instead, it is a transaction in which social relationships are taken into account. The Ministry of the Interior has formed teams to investigate allegations of domestic abuse.

It should be noted that women who have been victims of abuse require psychological assistance and a place of refuge, both of which are in short supply since the government is not doing enough to address the issue. Some women find themselves in a hazardous situation in front of their abuser, vulnerable to revenge. We believe that the law's implementation is still lacking in terms of procedures that ensure its efficacy and lower violence rates.

Tunisian culture has not yet overcome social limitations and a bad perception of women in specific places and social gatherings, which has a detrimental impact on women's safety in their social and economic environments. The law's execution necessitates a comprehensive strategy that considers the legal, psychological, and social elements of women who have been victims of abuse.